R.M. Westerink; August 2026
Look at Us Europeans
A Finn and an Italian, a Pole and a
Dutchman, a Portuguese and a Bulgarian may disagree about religion, family,
politics, money, work or the role of government. Europe is not one culture. Yet
place European societies beside one another and another pattern appears. We
expect political power to be limited by law, attach considerable importance to
personal freedom, accept extensive social protection, and increasingly expect
people who live differently from us to retain the same fundamental rights.
The differences are real, but so is the
family resemblance. We commonly call it European Values. Before defending those
values or asking Europe to protect them, it is worth asking a simpler question:
if we look at Europeans as we actually are, can we find them?
Looking at Ourselves
Decades of comparative research give us a
useful starting point. The World Values Survey and European Values Study
examine attitudes toward family, religion, work, authority, democracy,
individual choice and tolerance. The Inglehart-Welzel cultural map does not
show Europe as one homogeneous block; northern, western, southern, central and
eastern Europe retain different histories and profiles. But a broader European
landscape is visible, especially around self-expression, secular-rational
orientations and democratic expectations.[1]
Other approaches point into the same
landscape. Shalom Schwartz's work examines values such as self-direction,
universalism, benevolence and security; Geert Hofstede offers a more limited
comparative lens on individualism, hierarchy and uncertainty.[2][3] None
produces a ready-made list called 'European Values'. What matters is that
different windows repeatedly reveal related features.
The individual occupies an important place.
Europeans generally want room to choose how to live, believe, speak and
associate. Yet this individual freedom developed alongside a strong expectation
that society carries responsibilities toward its members. Education,
healthcare, pensions, unemployment protection and public services sit beside
market economies. Europe has repeatedly tried to combine freedom with
collective responsibility rather than choose between them.
The same is true of democracy. Elections
matter, but European democracy usually means more than 51 percent deciding
anything it wants. Majorities govern inside constitutions and law; courts can
restrain government; minorities retain rights; and political power is
legitimate without being unlimited.
Nor does common ground require cultural
uniformity. A conservative Catholic in Poland need not acquire the personal
values of a secular liberal in Amsterdam. One distinctive property of European
Values may be precisely that they leave considerable room for different
personal and group values - provided the same protected space remains available
to others.
What We Have Come to Value
Put into ordinary language rather than
political philosophy, the pattern is surprisingly simple. This is the value
package we will use throughout WE ARE EUROPE - series:
·
We value human dignity - every
person remains a person of worth.
·
We value being free to live our
own lives.
·
We value having an equal say in
how we are governed.
·
We value being equal before the
law.
·
We value being protected
against arbitrary power.
·
We value helping each other
when help is needed.
·
We value being free to be
different.
·
We value honesty and sufficient
trust to deal with one another.
·
We value solving our
differences through rules, dialogue and compromise.
·
We require our differences and
conflicts to be resolved peacefully.
None is uniquely European, and Europeans do
not rank them identically. Their importance lies in the configuration. Together
they describe a protected space: considerable freedom and disagreement, bounded
by equal standing, restraints on power, mutual support, truthful-enough
dealings, rules and peace.
We Did Not Start This Way
Europe's history makes any story of
naturally European freedom or tolerance impossible. Europe produced religious
persecution, absolutism, slavery and colonial conquest, extreme nationalism,
fascism, the Holocaust, communist dictatorship and devastating wars. Many of
today's expectations were learned through the consequences of their absence.
Religious conflict made freedom to be
different painfully concrete. The Reformation brought persecution and war
before tolerance gradually became both principle and practical necessity. The
Enlightenment strengthened claims of conscience, individual freedom and popular
sovereignty, while forcing authority to justify itself.
Industrialization exposed another problem.
Markets created wealth but also insecurity, dangerous work and severe
inequality. Labor protection, public education, social insurance, trade unions
and welfare states gave practical form to dignity and to helping one another
without abandoning personal freedom or markets.
Democracy widened unevenly. Property
restrictions fell, workers demanded representation, women gained political
rights, and equal say and equality before the law moved from radical claims
toward ordinary expectations.
The twentieth century supplied Europe's
harshest lessons. Fascism, Nazism and the Holocaust showed what happens when
hierarchy and state power overwhelm dignity and legal protection. Communist
rule supplied another experience of power without open competition or adequate
individual freedom. Different histories reinforced a common conclusion: people
need protection against arbitrary power, and rights cannot depend only on the
goodwill of rulers.
After 1945, western European countries
increasingly turned these lessons into institutions. The European Convention on
Human Rights allowed individuals eventually to challenge their own states
before a supranational court.[4] After 1989, countries emerging from communist
rule joined a European order in which democracy, rights and rule of law were
closely tied to their return to Europe.
Peace sits slightly differently in our
list. European states had treated war as an accepted instrument of politics for
centuries. After two world wars, the post-war project increasingly normalized
the opposite requirement: however profound our differences, they are to be
handled through rules, negotiation and compromise rather than force.
A Protective Pattern Emerges
Seen together, the ten values are not
merely preferences. They protect the person and the society around the person.
Dignity, freedom, equality and pluralism protect room for individual life.
Solidarity protects against some of life's vulnerabilities. Honesty, dialogue
and rules make cooperation possible. Restraints on power and peaceful conflict
resolution protect the whole arrangement from coercion.
The next question is what happened when
such expectations became claims. At some point 'we value freedom' became
something stronger: 'I have a right to be free.' That is where the next piece
begins.
References
[1] World Values Survey Association and
European Values Study; comparative societal-values research, including the
Inglehart-Welzel cultural map.
[2] Schwartz, S. H., Theory of Basic Human
Values and comparative research into human value structures.
[3] Hofstede, G., cultural-dimensions
framework, used here as a supplementary comparative perspective.
[4] Council of Europe, European Convention
on Human Rights, signed 4 November 1950; entered into force 3 September 1953.

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