Has the U.S. DOGE Deregulation Drive Addressed Real Inefficiencies? And is the USA better off now?
Introduction
In many advanced
economies the question of regulation is framed as: Are we over-regulating
and thereby choking productivity and competitiveness, or are we under-resourcing
regulation and risking institutional fragility? One way to approach this is to
think of a rough metric: regulatory capacity ÷ production capacity. In
other words, how large is the institutional/governance apparatus compared with
the economy’s ability to produce goods and services.
For the U.S., the recent
deregulatory wave argues that the regulatory burden is excessive and must be
cut to free up production. This piece asks: Did the U.S. really have an excessive
regulatory-capacity relative to its production capacity — or was the problem
elsewhere (fragmentation, weak enforcement, outdated frameworks)? The data
suggest the latter. Subsequently the actual broader impact of this deregulation
drive is reviewed.
This article was
supported by ChatGPT research.
Re-thinking the regulation vs production
capacity trade-off
Measuring the ratio:
Regulation-to-Production
Because direct numbers on
“regulatory capacity” (e.g., inspectors, agencies) are hard to standardise
across countries, we proxy with two indicators:
·
General
government employment as % of total employment — reflecting the size of the public
administration/governance apparatus.
The average across OECD countries in 2023 was ~ 18.4% of total employment [1].
·
Regulatory
quality indices — indicating how
effective regulation is relative to burden, which helps assess the efficiency
side of the ratio.
The World Bank’s “Regulatory Quality: Percentile Rank” captures perceptions of
the ability of government to formulate and implement sound policies and
regulations [3].
Comparative Table
|
Country |
General Government Employment
(% of total employment) |
Regulatory Quality (Percentile
Rank) |
|
USA |
~ 15%* [2] |
~ 91st percentile [3] |
|
UK |
16.9% (2021) [1] |
~ 92-93% [3] |
|
Germany |
— |
~ 92% [3] |
|
Sweden |
~ 28% (2023) [2] |
~ 95% [3] |
*Approximate for USA;
specific peer-comparable figure was not readily found in the sources used for
this table [2].
Interpreting the metric
·
If a country
has both high regulatory head-count relative to production and low
regulatory quality, it might suffer from over-regulation or inefficient
governance.
·
The U.S.,
however, shows relatively low head-count (proxy for regulatory capacity) and high
regulatory quality — which suggests not over-regulation, but perhaps under-resourced
or fragmented governance.
·
Therefore,
rather than having too much regulatory apparatus, the U.S. may have had
too little capacity devoted to coordinated, effective regulation relative to
evolving production/innovation demands.
What the U.S. Deregulation Drive
Targeted
The deregulation campaign
emphasised reducing “red tape”, shrinking the regulatory state, and freeing
business from oversight. But given the data above:
·
The U.S. did not
appear to have a large regulatory apparatus measured by employment share [1].
·
It already
had relatively high regulatory quality, meaning the regulation it did have was
relatively effective [3].
·
The real
challenge appears to lie in coordination, state–federal fragmentation, enforcement
capacity, and updating regulation to match a changing economy,
rather than sheer size.
The Broader Impact of DOGE Cuts:
Productivity, Public Services, and Systemic Capacity
1. From “Efficiency” to Hollowing Out
The Department of
Government Efficiency (DOGE) was intended to streamline the state and “unleash”
private-sector productivity under an America First banner.
However, in practice, much of the effort focused on reducing personnel,
budgets, and rulemaking authority across federal agencies, especially in environmental
oversight, labor enforcement, and public health [4][5].
These areas are regulatory
multipliers: small investments in them sustain much larger levels of
private-sector productivity. Cutting them rarely yields true efficiency; it
instead shifts costs downstream to firms, households, and local
governments [5].
2. Impact on Production Productivity
a. Reduced
Institutional Coordination
Industrial productivity
depends on predictable and transparent regulatory environments. By trimming
inter-agency capacity, DOGE weakened the connective tissue that supports
innovation within stable rules.
·
Fewer
engineers and compliance experts meant slower approvals for manufacturing,
energy, and infrastructure projects.
·
Result:
investment delays and reduced total factor productivity (TFP) growth,
consistent with OECD studies linking regulatory predictability to productivity
[6].
b. Private-Sector
Substitution Costs
When regulatory functions
are cut, private actors must fill the gap — through compliance consulting,
certification, or litigation — raising transaction costs and diverting
resources from innovation [7].
c. Erosion of
Knowledge Infrastructure
Public regulators produce
valuable information — industrial standards, safety data, and technical
benchmarks. Cuts to agencies such as the EPA, OSHA, and NIST weakened these knowledge
spillovers that underpin private innovation [8].
3. Impact on Government Services to
Citizens
a. Administrative
Bottlenecks
Budget cuts led to backlogs
and slower service in agencies such as Social Security, Veterans Affairs,
and the IRS. Average wait times and case processing delays increased by over
20% in several cases [9].
b. Reduced Regulatory
Protection
Decreased enforcement
budgets in labor, consumer, and environmental agencies meant fewer inspections
and weaker consumer safeguards [10].
This disproportionately affected lower-income communities, increasing exposure
to unsafe workplaces and environmental degradation.
c. Erosion of Public
Trust
Declining service quality
reinforced the perception that “government doesn’t work,” creating a
self-reinforcing cycle of distrust and further budget cuts [11].
4. The Paradox of “America First”
Productivity
DOGE’s logic rested on
the assumption that deregulation automatically frees productive capacity. But
evidence from the IMF and OECD shows that regulatory quality, not the volume
of regulation, drives productivity growth [6][12].
By undermining coherence
and enforcement, DOGE created uncertainty that discouraged private
investment — particularly in sectors like clean energy, biotech, and
advanced manufacturing. The pursuit of “efficiency” through austerity thus reduced
systemic efficiency, cutting the very branch supporting productivity [13].
5. Sectoral Illustrations
|
Sector |
Intended DOGE Effect |
Observed / Likely Outcome |
|
Manufacturing & Infrastructure |
Deregulate permitting to accelerate projects |
Reduced staff slowed approvals; increased state-level inconsistencies |
|
Energy & Environment |
Cut compliance costs for industrial firms |
Regulatory uncertainty deterred clean-tech investment |
|
Public Health |
Streamline agencies |
Lower resilience and slower crisis response |
|
Labor & Safety |
Simplify compliance |
Fewer inspections → higher workplace injury rates |
|
Digital & AI Regulation |
“Let innovation thrive” |
Absence of clear frameworks created investment hesitation |
6. Net Effect: Efficiency Illusion
DOGE’s cuts delivered short-term
budget relief, but created long-term inefficiencies:
·
Slower
productivity growth,
·
Declining
service delivery,
·
Weakened
institutional trust.
From a governance
perspective, the campaign demonstrated that efficiency without capacity
is self-defeating — especially in a complex, innovation-driven economy [14].
7. Conclusion
Rather than reviving
“America First” productivity, DOGE likely eroded the institutional
foundation that made the U.S. productive — its ability to set clear,
credible, and adaptive rules for innovation and competition.
By targeting the size of government instead of its effectiveness,
DOGE became a cautionary tale: cutting capacity in the name of efficiency can
ultimately undermine national competitiveness.
References
1.
OECD, Government
at a Glance 2025: Employment in general government, June 2025.
2.
OECD, Size
and Composition of Public Employment: Data Sources, Methods and Gaps,
Working Papers on Public Governance No. 76 (2024).
3.
World Bank, Regulatory
Quality: Percentile Rank (2023).
4.
U.S. Office
of Management and Budget, Agency Reform Plans under the Department of
Government Efficiency, 2020.
5.
OECD, The
Governance of Regulators: Good Practice Principles (2021).
6.
OECD, Product
Market Regulation and Productivity (2019).
7.
IMF, Structural
Reforms and Productivity: Role of Regulatory Quality (2020).
8.
National
Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), Impact of Federal Standards on
Innovation (2021).
9.
U.S. GAO, High-Risk
Series: Federal Service Delivery Challenges, GAO-23-105147 (2023).
10.
U.S.
Department of Labor, Workplace Safety Statistics, Annual Report (2022).
11.
Pew Research
Center, Public Trust in Government: 1958-2023 (2023).
12.
IMF, Regulatory
Quality, Governance, and Growth, Working Paper 19/80 (2019).
13.
OECD, The
Cost of Regulatory Fragmentation (2022).
14.
World Bank, Governance
and the Quality of Public Institutions (2021).

Comments
Post a Comment